Giorgio Jackson Reflects on Election Outcome: «Without a Media Strategy and Infrastructure, Competing for Daily Narrative Is Impossible»

Original article: Giorgio Jackson tras las elecciones: “Sin estrategia e infraestructura mediática no hay posibilidad de disputar la narrativa del día a día”

In a document titled «The End of a Cycle, What to Expect Now? Some Clues to Process the Elections in Chile,» Giorgio Jackson Drago, former Minister of the Segpres and Social Development, presents a strongly self-critical tone, outlining the political and cultural reasons that —in his view— explain the victory of the republican candidate José Antonio Kast in the presidential runoff, securing 58% of the votes.

In his reflection, the founder of the Frente Amplio addressed various mistakes in the administration of President Gabriel Boric that impacted the trajectory of the progressive government.

How can this outcome be understood in light of recent events in Chile? Jackson asked in the introduction to his 18-page document, noting that the interpretation of the elections held on December 14 will evolve over time and “perhaps we should all take a moment to step back and try to see the broader picture.”

He indicated that the executive power’s alternation is confirmed for the fifth time, a trend consistent since the 2009 elections in Chile, and emphasized that “it seems in these times it is the oppositions that connect better with the citizens’ sentiments.”

However, he elaborated that the alternation cannot be the sole explanation for Kast’s arrival at La Moneda, being the first Pinochetist candidate to do so since the return to democracy, “as if the result were a predetermined phenomenon.”

He recalled that Jeannette Jara’s letter on Unidad por Chile urged a deep and honest reflection on the factors that led to this result, highlighting that his article aims to “contribute an analysis of the electoral process through the lens of the mobilization cycle of the past two decades and how, as I argue, that cycle has come to an end and the addition of five million new voters changes the game that has been played throughout this cycle.”

In his text, Jackson references both Jara (former Minister of Labor and Social Security) and the coach Marcelo Bielsa to support his diagnosis: “there is necessary self-criticism to be made,” because “success is distorting, it relaxes, deceives,” while failure “makes us solid, brings us closer to our convictions, and makes us coherent.”

Lack of Strategy and Media Infrastructure to Compete for Daily Narrative

Among the many factors to consider, the former deputy identified a communication deficit from the current government: “Without a political base of high connectivity among supporters and activists, and without a media strategy and infrastructure, there is no possibility to compete for the daily narrative,” he stated.

This phrase, found in chapter 5 dedicated to President Gabriel Boric’s government and self-criticism, encapsulates one of the harshest lessons for the ruling coalition.

Jackson describes how “the enormous efforts of the government spokesperson were often rendered completely powerless within the media ecosystem, amplified by social networks that work as echo chambers.”

This disconnection, exacerbated by a series of self-inflicted errors, has hindered the ability to counter adverse narratives and connect with the electorate.

Self-Criticism: “Avoidable” Mistakes and Two “Bombshells” in Boric’s Government

In his personal and political analysis of Boric’s administration, the former minister noted significant achievements such as pension increases and the minimum wage, reduced working hours, the mining royalty, and zero co-pay in healthcare. However, he acknowledges “avoidable mistakes that harmed the government’s management and image.”

Among these, he mentions the “erratic initial signals” within the coalition, his role in the Segpres as a “barrier to building trust” —exacerbated by his statements regarding “the scale of values and principles”— the “frustrated and erratic foray into Temucuicui,” the “sloppy process of presidential pardons for prisoners during the social unrest,” and “the miscalculation in rejecting the tax reform.”

He also highlighted “the failed and avoidable purchase of the houses of former presidents Aylwin and Allende, which ended with the resignation of Minister (Maya) Fernández and the removal of Senator Isabel Allende; or the application of an erroneous methodology that modestly increased electricity prices, which ended with the resignation of Minister (Diego) Pardow.”

He pointed out that although each of these episodes “has nuances and explanations,” they nonetheless reveal “errors at various levels of administration that translated into political costs and adverse circumstances.”

“Surely, this list of unforced errors could continue. It ranges from questioned appointments to actions by government representatives, which began to create a sense of frivolity surrounding the use of positions. This is compounded by the constant questioning of the salaries associated with government roles. On salary matters, without a doubt, more could have been advanced beyond what was established in the guidelines regarding hiring and salary limits for advisors since March 2022,” he emphasized.

For the former secretary of state, there were also actions difficult to explain that helped build an image of contradiction or abandonment regarding the mandate received, noting that this category could include: the agreement between CODELCO and SQM within a National Lithium Strategy, refusal to authorize a fifth pension withdrawal, legislation stemming from the Supreme Court ruling on unjustified charges by Isapres, which prevented the industry from becoming insolvent, and the final pension agreement, which did not end the AFP system. This also includes “President Boric’s remarks about Sebastián Piñera following his death” and the “application of Constitutional States of Exception in the Macro South region and the northern border.”

“While it is not clear to what extent these actions resulted in a concrete loss of voters, they did foster a perception of inconsistency or political masquerade,” he argued.

However, he highlights two episodes: the Case of Agreements and the Monsalve Case, which he referred to as “bombshells,” stating that “they hit directly at the government’s core.”

Regarding the June 2023 scandal involving a foundation linked to militants of Revolución Democrática obtaining a contract for 426 million pesos, Jackson recalled that “the fallout from the case was directed by the opposition towards me, as I am the founder of the party and a government minister… the opposition pressure made it clear that they would not sit down with the government if I remained in my position, so I submitted my irrevocable resignation.”

Although he stated that “all accusations made against me were absolutely false,” he admitted that the case marked the subsequent administration.

Concerning the sexual abuse allegation against Undersecretary of the Interior, Manuel Monsalve, Giorgio Jackson contended that it was handled in a “erratic” manner and with “leaking information piecemeal,” generating “strong questioning of Minister Tohá’s and President Boric’s actions” and, by extension, of the feminist ministers in the cabinet.

Expectations and Fatalistic Predictions of Boric’s Government

To conclude chapter 5, Jackson posed two questions regarding President Gabriel Boric’s administration. Firstly, he asked: Were expectations frustrated? To which he himself responded: “Undoubtedly, the promises of change and transformation were significantly greater, but it is also true that the priorities of the citizens themselves changed during these four years.”

Secondly, he questioned whether the fatalistic predictions regarding the current government were frustrated, to which he replied, “absolutely.”

“Those who predicted that this government would be chaotic and yield poor economic or social results are finding it difficult to argue (outside of an electoral campaign context or specific cases) that anything of that sort has occurred. Even with a parliamentary minority, this will be the first or second government to promulgate the most laws since the return to democracy,” he pointed out.

A Cycle Closing: From Outbreak to Defeat

In the extensive document, Jackson also referred to the “end of a cycle” that began with the “penguin revolution” in 2006, followed by student mobilizations in 2011, the social outbreak of 2019, and the subsequent constitutional process. He noted that although this cycle succeeded in establishing demands for social rights and individual freedoms, its institutional translation —particularly in the failed Constitutional Convention— was inadequate.

On the 2022 constitutional process, Jackson noted that “the result was what has been described as a failure in translating citizen demands to the institutional level” and criticized both internal errors —“identity expressions, public performances, a desire for revenge”— and the effective rejection campaign, which “from a flawed text, created simplistic —and often false— divides from the friendly ‘Reject to Reform’ to the outright false ‘your house will no longer be yours’ or ‘you will lose your pension savings’.”

He also highlighted a key factor: the introduction of mandatory voting, which led approximately five million compatriots to vote for the first time, “of which an estimated four million chose to reject.”

The New Board: Mandatory Voting and the Conservative Wave

Jackson dedicates the final chapters to analyzing the new scenario. He describes the international phenomenon of the far-right, which “converted fear —of migration, crime, economic deterioration, cultural change— into its main political capital.” However, he believes that the key explanatory factor in the Chilean election lies not only in that divide but in a structural change: “the introduction of mandatory voting.”

Citing survey data, he indicated that “among habitual voters there is a technical tie, but three out of five mandated voters would choose Kast, one would vote for Jara, and one would cast a null or blank vote.”

This analysis leads him to a crucial conclusion: “the ‘end of the cycle’… cannot be attributed solely to the performance of two teams playing a football match, but rather primarily to the change in the rules that allowed a group of new players from another sport to enter the field.”

“Continuing the football analogy, it is not that the new players have signed up to the ‘rejection’ team, but that the rules have changed to allow it to mutate into another sport,” he described.

Tasks for Progressivism

In the face of this new cycle, Giorgio Jackson extended a call for humility and listening, warning about the need to “resist the temptation of score-settling within the coalition.”

Additionally, he asserted the challenge of building a “firm, responsible, and proactive opposition.” Finally, he appeals to hope and suggests that the reflection post-defeat should resemble “a communal festivity rather than a symposium.”

Below, you can access the full document: «The End of a Cycle, What to Expect Now?»