Belarusian Scheme: Lawyer Eduardo Lagos Reveals How Bribes to Ángela Vivanco Were Planned and Paid

Original article: Trama bielorrusa: Abogado Lagos revela cómo se planearon y pagaron las coimas a Ángela Vivanco

In a testimony before the Prosecutor’s Office that investigative outlet Reportea accessed, Eduardo Lagos disclosed the payment mechanisms exceeding $115 million through the former minister’s partner, Gonzalo Migueles. He shifted the blame to his associate Mario Vargas, claiming that Vivanco directly advised them before ruling in favor of their case against the Chilean-Belarusian consortium Belaz Movitec (CBM) in the dispute with Codelco.

In his testimony to the Regional Prosecutor’s Office of Los Lagos, lawyer Eduardo Lagos, currently in preventive detention, unraveled the corrupt mechanisms that allegedly enabled the Chilean-Belarusian consortium Belaz Movitec (CBM) to win a lucrative lawsuit against Codelco. He admitted to paying bribes amounting to at least $115 million, designed to secure favorable votes from then-Supreme Court Minister Ángela Vivanco through her partner, Gonzalo Migueles.

His account, obtained by the investigative outlet Reportea, not only confirms the Public Prosecutor’s Office’s thesis but expands upon it, directly implicating the former minister—arrested last Sunday and facing a formal hearing on Tuesday—in the advisory of resources that she would subsequently rule upon.

«This Guy Can Swing the Vote for Ángela»

According to testimony given on January 6, the idea to contact Vivanco originated with his associate Mario Vargas. Lagos stated that one day before Migueles’ visit to his office at El Regidor 66 in Las Condes, Vargas proposed the meeting in the presence of another partner, former deputy Gabriel Silber.

“The day before his visit to the office, Mario Vargas told me, with Gabriel Silber also present, that ‘this guy’, referring to Gonzalo Migueles, could sway Ángela’s vote and even assist us in the processing of our case in the Supreme Court. Gabriel responded enthusiastically, while I questioned if ‘this shady guy could really accomplish anything’,” Lagos recounted to prosecutors, as reported by the cited media.

The lawyer elaborated on his partner’s proposal in the firm: “Mario Vargas indicated that what Gonzalo Migueles wanted was money, in the form of a fee, along with a bonus for securing the approval of the first appeal, which also included a non-innovating order (ONI).

Despite expressing doubts about Migueles’ actual capabilities, Lagos claimed Vargas assured him it was feasible: “Mario told us it could be done and that he had done it in the past.”

Furthermore, the lawyer admitted he warned his partners about the illegality of the act: “I clearly explained to both Mario and Gabriel what this entailed, that it constituted a bribery offense.” However, it was agreed to proceed, assigning Vargas the task and setting an initial limit.

“We set a limit on the total amount this guy would receive, between $20 and $30 million. This was for the first appeal,” he said.

Lagos stated that the “sale of verdicts” by Vivanco was an open secret within legal circles.

“I confirmed this by consulting with a well-known colleague who said it was true, that she had done it, and it was something known in the field, this is the sale of Vivanco’s rulings,” he indicated.

During the meeting with Migueles, he allegedly was explicit about his capabilities. “Gonzalo informed us that he could not only secure favorable votes from his wife, Supreme Court Minister Ángela Vivanco, but she could also assist us in the processing of our case,” Lagos said while describing Vivanco’s partner as a despised character but influential nonetheless.

“Everyone spoke of Migueles selling the minister Vivanco’s vote… He was somewhat socially accepted only because of his proximity to the minister,” he suggested.

The Payment Trail: From $80 Million to $45 Million, Always Through Vargas

Lagos’ testimony details at least five payments, always negotiated “payment by payment” with Migueles through Mario Vargas, and always preceding key rulings.

He indicated that in mid-2023, following the first favorable Supreme Court ruling, CBM paid $80 million to the lawyers. Of that amount, Lagos stated, “Mario Vargas received his share, along with Gonzalo Migueles’ portion… I assume this payment was made in dollars, as he always had dollars.” A spreadsheet from his assistant, María Pía Peñaloza, labeled these disbursements as “costs,” “expenses,” or similar terms.

In July 2023, the second and third payments reportedly occurred after Codelco’s transfers to the Chilean-Belarusian consortium were finalized. Lagos acknowledged that Vargas was responsible, although he couldn’t recall exact amounts or methods.

The fourth payment of $70 million was said to have been made in December 2023. This moment is one of the most serious in the testimony, directly linking Vivanco to the bribery scheme and the advisories she reportedly provided to ensure CBM gained favorable outcomes in its lawsuit against the state copper company.

Lagos recounted that in September 2023, amid doubts on how to proceed, “Mario Vargas came to my house saying that Ángela insisted we had to change the appeal.” This led to a WhatsApp call and a visit to the then-Minister’s home.

“In her house, we discussed several appointments, and I realized she had full knowledge of the case, which was significant, with over $4 billion at stake, and she advised us that through clarification, rectification, or amendment, we could achieve the costs for decommissioning the machinery; her argument was that it would be easy for them to accept this type of request,” Lagos stated, as quoted by Reportea.

This resource, effectively presented and subsequently ruled by Vivanco, forced Codelco to pay an additional $4 billion to CBM. Once the payment was executed, the $70 million was sent to Migueles through a currency exchange house, with the money delivered in a box to Vargas by assistant Peñaloza.

According to Lagos’ testimony, the fifth payment of $45 million allegedly occurred in June 2024 and corresponded to another favorable ruling.

Before the prosecutor’s office, the lawyer detailed a tough negotiation and indicated Vargas initially requested $100 million for Migueles, which both he and Silber rejected, and after a direct meeting with Vivanco’s partner, $45 million was agreed upon.

This payment was arranged in March 2024, prior to the hearing of the case, under the warning to “accept their conditions or we expose ourselves to a rejection.” On the day of the hearing, Vargas received a draft of the ruling via WhatsApp.

Breach of Collaboration Agreement and Vivanco’s Formalization

Although on January 2 Lagos signed an effective collaboration agreement, his attitude changed dramatically. In a second declaratory session on January 7, he was reported to be arrogant and defiant, ultimately refusing to sign the record of his statement and dismissing his defense attorney. Nevertheless, his complete testimony from January 6 is now part of the investigation.

“He then activated a media and judicial offensive, including a lawsuit against prosecutor Muñoz for unlawful compulsion,” reported Reportea.

However, Lagos’ statement arrives at a critical moment. Vivanco’s detention was executed Sunday night by Carabineros, in compliance with a court order issued following the resolution from the Supreme Court, which had recently accepted the lawsuit’s chapters against her, thus enabling the advancement of the criminal process against her.

Yesterday, Monday, her formal hearing began at the 7th Guarantee Court of Santiago, where she faces charges of repeated bribery and money laundering, linked to the investigation of the so-called “Belarusian scheme” from the Audio case.

The Prosecutor’s Office maintains that the rulings she signed in favor of CBM between 2023 and 2024, which forced Codelco to disburse over $17 billion, were preceded by bribes.

This money allegedly financed fees for lawyers Vargas and Lagos, who in turn funneled part of those resources to the former minister and her partner, through a mechanism that, according to the investigation, involved property registrars Sergio Yáber (Puente Alto) and Yamil Najle (Chillán), along with currency exchange operator Harold Pizarro, who are currently under house arrest for their collaboration.

In her arguments, Los Lagos’ regional prosecutor Carmen Gloria Wittwer was emphatic: “In violation of her duties while processing protection resources before the Supreme Court, she voted for resolutions favoring CBM’s procedural and pecuniary claims, which forced Codelco to disburse substantial sums to the consortium, with which the company paid fees to the lawyers, who, with part of those resources, provided economic benefits to then-Minister Vivanco and her partner, Víctor Gonzalo Migueles Oteíza, who, in concert with her, facilitated the means to receive the payment.”

In this context, the prosecuting body requested that the court impose a preventive detention measure against the former minister of the Supreme Court.